The New
Statesman has kindly re-posted my blog entry on ‘Retromania, Newness and Nowness’, giving it the new title ‘Pop has Substituted “Newness” for Innovation’. Published on this wider forum it has provoked some unrest. The
criticisms of my work can be grouped into three mains areas. First, I’m told
that if I want to find innovative music I’m looking in the wrong place. Second,
it is pointed out to me that Retromania is not a new phenomenon. Third, I’m
informed that as a Lecturer in Popular Music I have no right to be talking
about popular music. I’ll deal with the second two complaints in later blog
entries, but here I’ll address the search for innovative music.
My
first response is that I never claimed to be looking for it myself. The article
is instead about the proud boasts of major record labels and radio broadcasters
that they are uncovering ‘new’ music. As such it is focused on these
institutions as well as on the media companies who underpin their operations,
hence the use of quotes from Q and
the NME. My claim is that each of these
players concentrates on the music of now, rather than on the music of the
future; as such the article it is much against Simon Reynolds’ idea that retromania is all pervasive as it is against record companies’ and radio broadcasters’ claims to
originality. The title that the New
Statesman has given to the piece doesn’t help to make this clear, but I must
admit that I’m also guilty of confusing the issue: my suggestion that that the
last 20 years has seen a dearth of innovative music could be seen as
provocative and distracting.
But
what about the point that has been made: that I would find original music if I
would only look in the right places. I’m sure there is some innovative music
out there, but my own lazy belief is that we shouldn’t have to look too hard for
it. It is the duty of radical music to enter the public consciousness. In my
earlier piece I made the mistake of concentrating solely on aesthetics, however
I would argue that any truly innovative work should be provoking change at a
social level, as well as musically. I would go further and say that the two
factors cannot be divorced: if a work is not prompting social change it cannot
be regarded as aesthetically new. With formulations such as this it is always
tempting to reverse the wording, thus adding that if music does not have a
radical aesthetic it will not be effective at prompting social change. It is
the case, however, that a song can be aesthetically conservative and yet still be the cause of social transformations. This can be because of factors in the music (lyrics inspire
action, realism invokes idealism) and because of factors beyond the music
(songs have radical videos, records can be attached to causes, artists make political statements in interviews).
Nevertheless, it can be argued that popular music’s greatest moments of rupture,
such as rock ‘n’ roll, psychedelia, punk, hip-hop and rave, have each promoted both
aesthetic and social change. Conversely, a common criticism levelled at artists
such as Madonna and Lady Gaga is that their art is not equal to their desire to
provoke. The objective correlative does not add up.
In
order to enter the public consciousness a new musical movement has to move
beyond its own confines. It has to draw both converts and enemies, and it can
only do this by encountering media organisations: it has to move beyond what
Sarah Thornton has termed ‘micro media’, and deal with ‘niche’ and ‘mass’ media
as well. Niche media would include music journalism and specialist radio
programmes. Mass media is aimed at the general public, and would include TV
programmes and the daily papers. Some of popular music’s greatest moments of
frisson have occurred when artists have moved from the micro to the mass: the
Sex Pistols with Bill Grundy; the Sun promoting
and then denigrating acid house; Nirvana on Top
of the Pops. These are the occasions when parents find out what there kids
have been up to.
But this is to
write of the world that I grew up in. It is also to write about a peculiarly
British situation. The UK has for decades had a niche music press, but this
press used to have a mass national readership: in the 1970s both the NME and Melody Maker achieved weekly sales of 300,000 copies, figures
similar to the daily circulation of Britain’s broadsheets today. In this era
the predominant specialist radio programmes (notably John Peel’s show) were
also being broadcast nationally to large audiences: the BBC was retaining its
hegemony. This set-up provided the means by which musical movements could be
transmitted across regions even before they were picked up by mass media. It
could also be argued that the mass media reached a wider audience than it does
today. In the 1970s Top of the Pops could
attract up to 15 million viewers (over 25% of the population). Once a song
reached this programme it was truly a part of daily life.
The internet is
different. Musicians can now, in theory, communicate directly with their fans –
they should no longer need traditional forms of media. Alternatively, it is
argued that the internet is a medium that has the potential to be more massive
than anything we’ve seen before. Nevertheless, the dormancy of the majority of
the long tail would indicate that links between the internet, niche media and
mass media are needed, but they are not working properly for all. It is mostly songs
backed by effective promotional campaigns that have received attention across
the board. Consequently, the musical world is being skewed towards the major
labels and their priority signings. It is not the long tail that should be the
focus of studies, but instead the short head.
The most popular
legal platform for music is YouTube, whose slogan ‘broadcast yourself’
proclaims it to be a mass media forum. But YouTube operates in both a
narrowcast and broadcast manner: viewings for its videos can range from none to
nearly two billion. It is a medium that has the ability to transmit videos to
both niche and mainstream audiences, but only certain types of music are
reaching a wider circle of people. What is more, they are only doing so after they have been reported on in
other media outlets. At the moment these are primarily novelty songs (‘Gangnam
Style’, ‘What Does the Fox Say?’) and sexuality-exploitative songs (‘Blurred
Lines’, ‘Wrecking Ball’). On their own, massive viewing figures are no
guarantee that a song has moved beyond its confines. YouTube is also watched
individually or with peers, rather than with the family, thus I would argue that even a song
such as Justin Bieber’s ‘Baby’ (which is the second most popular video on
YouTube, with nearly one billion views) has not entered the general public consciousness.
It has drawn neither converts nor enemies; it is for Beliebers only.
If this is the
case for the most popular of songs, what does it mean for the radical new music
that I’m told is hiding away in the corners of the internet? How will it
provoke the social change that for me marks the triumph of aesthetic
innovation? My main hope is that I am out
of date. I hope there is a mass underground movement that I don’t know about
yet because I don’t understand new technology. And then I want Top of the Pops to come back again so I
can watch as this music goes overground and sit there tut-tutting at my kids.
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