Pop modernism operates as a lobbying body within popular music. It
is not the mainstream, but can enter the mainstream at periods of peak
activity. For some, it is pop’s preferred state. It embraces the spirit of
modernism outlined by Robert Hughes in The
Shock of the New, expecting ‘cultural turmoil’ to foretell ‘social tumult’.
Here, ‘music heralds’, fulfilling the purpose
that Jacques Attali outlined for it:
Music is
prophecy. Its styles and economic organization are ahead of the rest of society
because it explores, much faster than material reality can, the entire range of
possibilities in a given code. It makes audible the new world that will
gradually become visible, that will impose itself and regulate the order of
things; it is not only the image of things, but the transcending of the
everyday, the herald of the future.
Pop modernism first surfaced in the late 1960s, as rock music
attempted to splinter from pop. Although it inherited characteristics from fine
art philosophies of modernism, it rested primarily upon ‘low theory’, as Simon
Frith terms it, theory that was
developed out
of day-to-day practices of pop itself . . . confused, inconsistent, full of
hyperbole and silence, but still theory, and theory which is compelled by
necessity to draw key terms and assumptions from high theory, from the more
systematic accounts of art, commerce, pleasure and class that are available.
From the higher theorising of art, pop modernism has taken ideas
of onward progress, originality, formal experimentation and technological
fascination, a belief that you should reject ‘the current state of things in
favour of the new’. It has also inherited an occasional snobbishness, a belief
that progressive art should stand above ‘the realms of mass culture and
everyday life’. Rock ideology, for example, included a rejection of the singles
charts, as its ‘artists’ put their faith in albums instead. Speaking in 1967,
Eric Clapton believed:
Singles are an anachronism. To get any good music in a space of two or
three minutes requires working to a formula and that part of the pop scene
really leaves me cold. I hate all that rushing around trying to get a hit.
There were technologies and institutions that helped rock artists
to achieve these ends. Vinyl albums operated in a different manner to vinyl
singles, both as objects and in the way that they functioned in the
marketplace. Radio also helped to uphold the rock/pop split. In America the
former genre was found on FM stations, while the latter remained on AM. In
Britain, meanwhile, rock was the preserve of ‘specialist’ shows, broadcast in
the evening hours. The two forms of music were also written about in different
forms of print media, and there were different conventions when it came to
playing live. It was not possible, however, for rock music to make a complete
break from pop music. Unlike modernist fine art, rock music had been born
within mass culture. Moreover, it was not always desirable to stay removed from
the singles charts. Financially, rock artists needed to release singles in
order to promote their albums. Artistically, some of them welcomed the
challenge of bringing diversity to the charts. Marc Bolan declared,
‘me getting into the Top Twenty – as a musician alongside the pop stars – opens
up a great thing’.
A
modernist spirit has been present in popular music at several times since the
late 1960s. It has not been consistent, however. There have been particular
periods when pop has become more openly questing, and there have been times in
which the conditions have been ripe for this impulse to be maximised.
Technology has been one driver for pop’s expansion. Synthesisers, sequencers
and samplers have each helped to push the music forwards, as have new recording
formats, notably the 12” single. Drugs have been another prompt. LSD and MDMA
are among those to offer enhanced horizons. Pop modernism can arise when the
interplay between the major labels and the independent sector is in productive
tension. Separate sales charts for alternative music and dance genres have
helped to foster scenes; dedicated radio support has also been essential.
Many
of those who complain about a decline of innovation in popular music have been
involved in pop’s modernist spurts. Simon Reynolds is a prime example. He has
stated:
When I started
taking more than a passing interest in pop, as a teenager in the post-punk
seventies, I immediately ingested a strong dose of modernism: the belief that
art has some kind of evolutionary destiny, a teleology that manifests itself through
genius artists and masterpieces that are monuments to the future. It was there
already in rock, thanks to The Beatles, psychedelia and progressive rock, but
post-punk drastically amped up the belief in constant change and endless
innovation. Although by the early eighties modernism was thoroughly eclipsed
within art and architecture, and postmodernism was seeping into popular music,
this spirit of modernist pop carried on with rave and the experimental fringe
of rock.
Pop modernists such as Reynolds hark back to the vital periods of
their youth; they are nostalgic, as Svetlana Boym puts it, ‘for a prenostalgic
state of being’. They yearn for an era when neither they nor the music they
loved were retrospective. One of the prompts for this nostalgia is that it
feels as though we should be
experiencing radical musical innovation: we are living through a period of
major technological and infrastructural change. However, we do not appear to
have many new styles of music. Contrary to Jacques Attali, it is not music
itself that is heralding a new economic order; it is instead the economic
organization of music that is operating in advance of other markets.
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