There has been some major popular music
news. The headline: people stop listening to new music at 33. At this age they
no longer make an effort to keep up with popular music. They retreat, instead,
to the music of their youth. Although the data behind this revelation is
American in origin, the story has been reported globally. It has been covered
everywhere from Fox News to the NME.
It
has also been subject to some criticism, mostly from older listeners who are
claiming they are still hip. Among them is the Guardian’s Tim Byron, who is one of the few journalists to address
the source of this news story. It’s not that hard to find: the data comes from
a blogpost by Ajay Kalia, who is the ‘taste profiles product owner’ for
Spotify. Kalia has analysed these taste profiles – the personal data of Spotify
users – to find out which artists each user is listening to and how often they
are hearing them. He has then coupled this data with each artist’s popularity
ranking, as determined by the Echo Nest. At present, according to their
‘hotttnesss’ rating, Taylor Swift is the most popular artist in America.
Finally, Kalia has quantified the results in a demographic manner. He has
looked at each age group of Spotify users and worked out whether they are
listening to popular artists or not.
The
results are perhaps to be expected. Kalia has found that young people are
‘almost exclusively streaming very
popular music’; their listening experience seldom travels beyond the latest Billboard charts. In contrast, as people
get older, ‘mainstream music represents a smaller and smaller proportion of
their streaming’. According to Kalia, they stick with what they already know:
‘they are who they’re going to be’.
Tim
Byron has two main grounds for complaint. The first concerns the dubious
methodology. He points out that ‘Kalia uses the popularity of an artist on
Spotify as a proxy measure for the newness of that music’. Quite rightly, Byron
argues that just because an artist has a low popularity ranking, it doesn’t
follow that they have been knocking around the block for a bit. After all,
isn’t this supposed to be the era of the long tail, in which new niche artists
can beaver away in successful obscurity? Conversely, just because an artist has
a high popularity ranking, it doesn’t mean they are new. Kalia even cites
examples in his article that suggest as much. Eminem, he tells us, comes in at
around number 50 in the popularity charts. This is an artist whose first album
was released in 1996. Muse hover around the 250 spot. They have been with us
since the late 1990s. Alan Jackson is ‘about # 500’. Jackson was born in 1958.
Byron suggests
that the data can be looked at another way. Rather than old people being behind
the times, they are instead adept at searching out niche subgenres. In support
of this idea, he points towards the Australian radio station Double J, which is
aimed at older listeners and has a more diverse playlist than its sister
station, Triple J, which is targeted at youngsters. And so, whereas Kalia
depicts a ‘coolness spiral’ that we spin outwards on as we approach death,
Byron instead posits the idea that we spin towards
coolness. The elderly are experimental. I’m not sure that he’s right.
Surely one of the reasons why Kalia’s data has received such widespread
coverage is because he has tapped into a common understanding. As we get older,
we do feel our grasp on popular music slipping away. On the other hand, Byron
is correct to point out flaws in Kalia’s reading of the data. For example, Kalia’s
taste profiles indicate that men stop listening to popular artists earlier than
women. In Kalia’s opinion, this means they are subject to a ‘taste freeze’:
they have stopped searching for new music. Surely, though, the issue at stake
is the escape from mainstream music. Men are more snobbish about the charts
than women are. They are consciously trying to avoid popular artists in their
need to identify with the edgy and the unknown.
There have been
many previous studies of demographics and taste. Kalia’s, though, has received more attention than any of
them. Why is this the case? One reason is that it puts a definite age at which
our move away from the popular becomes terminal. What’s more, it is a pertinent
musical number: 33 is the speed at which a vinyl LP plays. This format, lest we
forget, was originally targeted at adult listeners. What is curious, however,
is that at no point in his article does Kalia use the number 33. This leads us
to Byron’s other problem with the research: he takes issue with the way it has
been reported. The coverage of the survey has a repetitive quality. The
internet is now populated with articles titled ‘People Stop Listening to New
Music at 33’. A news agency somewhere has taken Kalia’s information and
condensed it. They have also highlighted what they want to see.
The age of 33 in
fact comes from a link in Kalia’s article. This takes us to a separate blog, in
which 33-year-old Steven Hyden tells us that his peers ‘are married with kids,
mortgages, and lots of other important real-life stuff that takes precedence
over finding new bands to like’. Kalia’s own work features a similar age at
which interest in popular music declines, but it is the less memorable and less
specific demographic of the ‘average listener’ who is in their ‘mid-30s’. Byron
takes issue with the fact that, whereas the original article has qualifications
(notably the number of times Kalia says ‘on average’), this hedging of the data
is removed in the media reports. Consequently, a less nuanced picture emerges.
That said Byron is also guilty of only seeing what he wants to see. Although
Kalia’s main focus is on the way that older people ‘stop keeping up with
popular music’, he does suggest a separate reading of his data. He believes
that some adults will deliberately search out ‘less-familiar music genres . . .
from artists with a lower popularity rank’, at which point his analysis looks
much like Byron’s own.
There is one
final quirk in the way that the data has been reported. Byron notes that the
original analysis is not specifically concerned with new vs. old music. He’s
right: the term ‘new music’ doesn’t appear once in Kalia’s article. And yet it
is there in the headline of every re-run of this story. The term is used in the
Fox News report, it is there in the article in the NME. In fact, even Byron uses it. His piece is titled ‘I’m 33 and
Still Listen to New Music’. And this is what interests me most of all: when did
new music become such a cult?
I was at school
in the 1970s. At this point the taste battle wasn’t between young people, who
liked ‘new music’, and adults who liked the past. Youngsters were instead
supposed to progress beyond juvenile pop music towards an adulthood spent
listening to classical music, MOR and jazz. What’s more, most of the musical
landscape was new. It was the arrival
of the compact disc that started to change things. The CD vastly increased
sales of back catalogue. Consequently taste could now be split between those
who listened to pop music of the present and those who listened to popular
music’s past.
In the 1990s
people started to use the term ‘new music’ strategically. BBC’s Radio One
signalled its intention of aiming for a younger demographic by adopting the
policy of ‘new music first’. This sponsoring of new music helped to justify the
licence fee, as does the BBC’s more recent slogan, ‘in new music we trust’. The
1990s was also the era in which the record industry started to court
government. There were numerous official reports, which sought ministerial
backing for anything from the high price of CDs to the extension of copyright.
In these reports the term ‘new music’ can regularly be found. The industry
campaigned for its restrictive policies by suggesting that it took risks on
untried artists and untested sounds.
More recently, people have started to use the term
‘new music’ as if it were a genre. It is used as such in the Fox News story, in
which panelists are asked if they like new music? ‘I think it’s totally
over-rated’ one of the representatives replies. But what is ‘new music’? If
it’s simply the music that is released by newly signed artists, how can it all
be bundled up together with people either claiming to be for it or against? If
it is music that is supposed to be at the cutting edge, how does this square with
the fact that today’s young artists are frequently described as being
uninspired and retrospective? If it is music that the listener hasn’t heard
before, does it matter whether this music was released last week or early in
the last century? Maybe what the whole war at 33 is really all about is whether
people are into new new music: are
they listening to sounds that qualify as being modern when it comes to the
artist’s age and their approach? If
this is what is at stake, we’re going to have look somewhere other than taste
profiles and hotttnesss ratings if we want to find out the true novelty of the
new.